Common Story?: Young Inmate’s Tragic End in Alabama Prison Hell

By Richard Luthmann

“I ain’t got to[o] much longer left pray for me I’m coming home better than I was before,” was the last message of the late Daniel Williams, a 22-year-old inmate at Staton Correctional Facility in Alabama. It was part of an October 15 Facebook post. But Williams didn’t know he was in prison hell.

https://www.facebook.com/danielbugwilliams

Williams was the victim of gang-related prison torture and rape while housed in the Alabama facility. 

Brutal Prison Violence

Reports suggest he was the victim of torture and sexual assault by gang members inside the prison using Williams as their “bitch” subjecting him to beatings and sex slavery.

Prison officials told the family that Williams died from a drug overdose. 

However, his father Terry and stepmother, Taylor Bostic, learned Williams had been “tied up, beaten and rented out for two to three days” by another inmate.

Alabama Department of Corrections (DOC) officials confirmed he was the victim of a “possible inmate-on-inmate assault” that left him “unresponsive.”

“The decision was made to transfer him to an area hospital for further evaluation and treatment. He remained at the hospital until the family decided to remove him from life support,” DOC representative Kelly Windham Betts said in a statement.

His fiancée, Amber Williams, recounted the sight of Williams when she visited him.

“I went to the hospital, and the nurses told me that he was assaulted and beaten really badly. And when I went into the room, he had bruises all down his arm, like down to his fingers, he had bruises over here. He had cuts up and down and bruises on his legs. And it was bad,” she said.

Prison Rape and Torture are Commonplace

Williams’ father, Terry, was disturbed about the lie the prison officials told him.

“I called the warden, and I cussed him. I said, ‘Dude, you know this is not an overdose case? You know exactly what happened. How is this crap going to happen like this?’ Well, it’s under investigation right now. And that’s the last time I even talked to the warden,” he said.

Congress unanimously passed the Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA) in 2003. The purpose of the law is to “protect individuals from prison rape.”

PREA created the National Prison Rape Elimination Commission and charged it with drafting standards for eliminating prison rape, which were implemented a decade later, in 2012.

Even after PREA, prison officials have been fighting a losing battle against inmate-on-inmate prison sexual assault. Correctional facilities have difficulty finding qualified personnel. The Federal Bureau of Prisons is amid a historic understaffing crisis.

This is on the heels of the agency being labeled a “hotbed of abuse” in the media, disclosing that more than 100 BOP workers were arrested, convicted, or sentenced for crimes since 2019, leading to the resignation of former BOP Director Michael Carvajal.

At the state level, Alabama is known for its gruesome prison conditions.

In December 2020, the DOJ Civil Rights Division filed suit against the State of Alabama and the Alabama Department of Corrections (DOC). The complaint alleges that the conditions at Alabama’s prisons for men violate the US Constitution because Alabama fails to provide adequate protection from prisoner-on-prisoner violence and sexual abuse, fails to provide safe and sanitary conditions, and subjects prisoners to excessive force by prison staff.

The case is pending before U.S. District Court Judge R. David Proctor in Birmingham Federal Court.

Prison Cell Phones

Williams’ death raises serious questions about contraband. A week before his beating, Williams posted his Facebook message from prison.

This wasn’t Williams’s first Facebook post from the inside. His Facebook page shows messages since February.

The official story from Alabama Corrections is “uncertainty” about how Williams managed to access social media while incarcerated.

Cell phones are not only brought and sold by guards looking to make extra cash, but drones have supplied inmates with prohibited items.

Prisoners have a system to avoid cell phone detection by guards.

Often, the cell phone is “owned” by a specific inmate; other times, by a gang. Getting caught means disciplinary measures, including a stint in the SHU, loss of privileges like landline phone calls, commissary, visits, and the loss of early release.

Some inmates “hold” cell phones for others in exchange for the ability to use them. Not only must they avoid guards finding the phone, but prisoners must also find ways to charge them on power outlets that aren’t monitored. A phone charger carries the same prison penalties as a cell phone if discovered.

“Renting” Phones

But the big prison “money” comes from “renting” cell phones to inmates, who pay a premium for using the device for a short time.

“Cellphones, on a prison compound, ‘go’ for about $1,000 + (per phone),” according to a source after the Fort Dix raid. “They are a hot commodity, and inmates caught with them often assault staff trying to recover the contraband. They are used to continue crimes on the outside, watch pornography/child porn on the inside, and have even been used to call hits on staff or others.”

FCI Fort Dix announced plans for a “contraband interdiction system” to identify and disable illegal phones. The system has stations designed “to prevent transmissions to or from contraband wireless devices within (a prison) and/or to obtain identifying information,” according to the FCC Rules to Combat Prison Contraband Devices.

Once alerted, cellphone service providers are required to disable the identified phones.

Is the Blame Systemic?

It’s easy to blame the inmates. The guards will tell you they aren’t choir boys. In many cases, it’s the worst of the worst. Put a critical mass together, and the “law of the jungle” prevails.

It’s also easy to blame prison guards. The correction officer’s top priority is to complete their shift uninjured. They aren’t social workers. What do they care if the prison is flooded with drugs, cell phones, and sexual assault, so long as it doesn’t threaten them? Sure, they’ll do a shakedown now and then. But those are often controlled situations where the inmates and guards know what’s coming. 

That raises the question of how the culture within correctional facilities, mirroring the aggressive structure of police forces, contributes to systemic violence. Strict protocols characterize this culture and hierarchy, prioritizing power. Despite numerous rules, there is a notable lack of emphasis on training officers in the humane treatment of inmates.

Training for correctional officers often promotes an “us versus them” mentality, preparing them for constant battle within prison walls. This not only includes instruction on deadly force, but also fosters an environment where violence is normalized. The adrenaline-driven mindset officers acquire from their training does little to prepare them for humanely managing inmates.

A significant issue in this culture is the code of silence. This unwritten code discourages officers from reporting misconduct, creating an environment where abuses are rampant and unchecked.

Prosecutions of prison personnel are rare and only occur in egregious cases. The problem extends beyond training and protocol. The environment in prisons denigrates intimacy and friendship, further entrenching a culture of violence and suppression.

Daniel Williams died because Alabama DOC personnel were indifferent to his well-being. The fact is that what happened to Williams is the prevalent state of affairs in American prisons.

Richard Luthmann

Richard Luthmann is a writer, editor, and investigative journalist.

Richard Luthmann

Richard Luthmann is a writer, editor, and investigative journalist.

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